Modernist studies tend to view the microstates as illogical anomalies destined to disappear under the crush of social progress. However, these states are anything but marginal—in fact, they are among the richest states in the world. This book examines the phenomenon from structural history and anthropological perspectives. The Microstates of Europe is a post-modern critique of the trends of globalism, and it examines the counter-trend of increasing nationalism, particularism, and cultural relativism.
Rather than being eclectic exceptions, the microstates may demonstrate the survival of extremely long enduring mechanisms of collective boundary maintenance that are most likely present in many communities throughout the world.
Chapter Two Principality of Andorra. Chapter Three Principality of Liechtenstein. Chapter Five Republic of Malta. Chapter Six Republic of San Marino. Chapter Seven State of Vatican City. Chapter Eight Principality of Monaco.
The Jonathan Floyd series, part 5. My next question was: Has there been enough any? In short, is there an existing political philosophy of microstates?
Open Lifespan philosophy has a strong foot in reflecting to political philosophy texts already, so why not look into microstates a little with this focus? Next, I asked Jonathan Floyd, via email, who confirmed this result and seemed surprised as well: The political philosophy of microstates, whatever that can be, is missing. Not anymore, as I aim this post to be the first such little mini-study of the political philosophy of microstates.
Next, I checked the current literature where microstates have been given a book length treatment and academic papers that have been published recently. Klieger is a US American anthropologist and ethnohistorian, whose original professional interest had been Asian studies, particularly, Tibet.
The second is a clear and conclusive paper, coming from a political scientist, J. And the third one is the following book, that seems very valuable for the purpose of our study, by Wouter Veenendaal a Dutch political scientist. I assume the decisive part from the POV of the argument I make of the things am saying might apply to other microstates as well, by now. The nature of these arguments are not necessary deductions from sparse empirical data, instead the focus is on some data and features of microstates which make the case and advance a particular political scenario.
This will be made much clearer later.
As far as I see so far, there are 2 main reasons why microstates were not given the proper treatment earlier in political science and derivatively in political philosophy. According to this, microstates are simply powerless and not strong enough to make a difference internationally on the global political scene, so they are simply ignored and left out of the picture.
The pervasive gigantism of IR has meant that the potential insights from studying small states are radically under-exploited. John Gerring notes that in qualitative case studies selection can be premised on representativeness or variation relative to the general population. Given that IR scholarship has concentrated so single-mindedly on great powers, it does not have representativeness.
Given that it looks at only one end of the power spectrum, it does not have variation either. If power is the central concern of those who study international politics or any kind of politics , then there is a great deal to be learned from those who experience its use on the receiving end, rather than just those who wield it.
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This observation holds even for those only interested in great powers. An empirical understanding of power in international politics demands a study of relatively powerless states and their relations with the powerful. This reason I believe is connected to the earlier as classical European nation-states are the bigger ones, France, Spain, Germany, but is conceptually separate.
Dibyesh Anand writes in the Foreword of Klieger, P.